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This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Coordinates | 34°03′″N118°15′″N |
|---|---|
| name | Josh Ritter |
| background | solo_singer |
| born | October 21, 1976Moscow, IdahoUnited States |
| instrument | Acoustic guitar, electric guitar, piano, lute |
| genre | Folk, Alternative Country, Rock |
| occupation | Musician, Songwriter, Author |
| years active | 1997–present |
| label | Signature SoundsV2Sony BMG/Victor |
| associated acts | The Frames, Hilary Hahn |
| website | www.joshritter.com |
| notable instruments | }} |
Ritter attended Oberlin College to study neuroscience, but later changed his major to the self-created "American History Through Narrative Folk Music". At the age of 21 Josh recorded his first album ''Josh Ritter'' at a recording studio on campus. After graduating, Josh moved to Scotland to attend the School of Scottish Folk Studies for six months. Josh then moved back to Idaho for a few months, before moving to Providence, Rhode Island, then Somerville, Massachusetts where he worked temporary jobs and played at open mic nights. During this time, Ritter sold copies of his album and was spotted by Glen Hansard and his band The Frames, who invited him to return with them to Ireland. As an early sign of his success to come, Ritter found on the trip to Ireland that his album sold particularly well at open mics there. With the money from merchandise sales, Ritter was eventually able to quit his day job and devote himself to music full-time.
In 2003, Ritter shared top billing with the French Kicks at Sepomana, the annual music festival produced by WRMC 91.1 FM. Ritter and Ron Sexsmith headlined the Friday night singer-songwriter event at the Hotel Viking at the 2004 Newport Folk Festival. He also appeared at Oxegen 2005, and has headlined with artists such as Joan Baez, who later released her own version of Ritter's song "Wings" on her album ''Dark Chords on a Big Guitar''. He was signed by a British label, V2 Records, in 2005 and ''Hello Starling'' was subsequently re-released. He began performing and touring in a crossover duo with the classical violinist Hilary Hahn in 2005.
In 2006, Ritter released his fourth album ''The Animal Years''. 2006 also saw the release of Ritter's first full-length live album and DVD ''In The Dark - Live at Vicar Street'' which was recorded over two nights in May 2006. Ritter released his fifth album, ''The Historical Conquests of Josh Ritter'', in 2007. Both ''The Animal Years'' and ''Historical Conquests'' received warm critical reception with Stephen King calling ''The Animal Years'' the best album of 2006 in his column for ''Entertainment Weekly''. In support of ''Historical Conquests'', Ritter appeared as a musical guest on such high profile television shows as ''Late Show with David Letterman'' in America and ''Later... with Jools Holland'' in Britain.
Ritter re-issued his second and third, ''Golden Age of Radio'' and ''Hello Starling'' on April 7, 2009 and January 17, 2010 respectively. Each re-issued albums were packaged as two-disc deluxe editions. The deluxe editions contain both the original studio album as well as solo acoustic versions of all the original tracks, live and remixed bonus songs, and never-before-seen photos and artwork. The deluxe editions also feature liner notes written by Ritter fans, including Dennis Lehane and Cameron Crowe.
In Autumn 2009 Ritter toured with Love Canon String Band, where he reinterpreted his songs with a band composed of banjo, double bass, mandolin and guitar. This tour included three nights in Whelans Dublin, where he performed his albums ''Golden Age of Radio'', ''Hello Starling'', and ''The Animal Years'' in full. In 2009, Ritter also provided the soundtrack for the documentary film, ''Typeface'', by Kartemquin Films.
Ritter's sixth album, ''So Runs the World Away'', was released April 23, 2010 in Ireland and May 4, 2010 worldwide. The vinyl version of the album had an earlier release on April 17, 2010 as a part of Record Store Day celebrations. The vinyl record came packaged with a CD version of the album as well. To promote the album, Ritter made the song, "Change of Time" from ''So Runs the World Away'', available for free download from his website on February 8, 2010. The song also appeared in the March 23, 2010 episode of the television series ''Parenthood''. In support of the new album Ritter toured with his newly named The Royal City Band - starting with six dates in Ireland - including a sell out performance at the newly opened 2100 capacity Grand Canal Theatre in Dublin and continuing with an extensive tour of the United States. ''So Runs the World Away'' largely garnered positive reviews. "Change of Time" was featured on the ''Parenthood'' soundtrack in August 2010, and quickly became a fan favorite. The song also features in the trailer of a upcoming 2011 Natalie Portman film, ''The Other Woman''.
On February 15, 2011 Ritter reissued ''The Animal Years'' on vinyl and as a two-disc deluxe edition on CD. The deluxe edition contains both the original studio album as well as a solo acoustic version of the album. The bonus disc includes four b-side recordings, two videos, new artwork, and liner notes by author Tom Ricks.
During his early 2011 tour, Josh Ritter released an EP album of previously unreleased material from the ''So Runs the World Away'' recording sessions, titled ''To the Yet Unknowing World''. Ritter began streaming the EP for free on his website as well as made it available for digital purchase on February 8, 2011. ''To the Yet Unknowing World'' hit Apple's iTunes and record stores February 15, 2011. In February 2011, Ritter and his band continued their extensive tour in support of So Runs The World Away touring American and Europe. On February 12, 2011, at a show in New York the band were introducted onstage by The US Office stars Rainn Wilson and John Krasinski. During his European tour in April 2011, Ritter released his third live album, Live at The Iveagh Gardens. The limited edition two CD and one DVD set is a live recording of Ritter's performance of 21 songs at the Dublin venue on 18 July 2010.
On November 22, 2009, Ritter played at a Benefit Concert at Moscow Junior High School in Moscow, Idaho for Jim LaFortune, an Earth Science teacher at the school struggling with a brain tumor. LaFortune was one of Ritter's teachers. Ritter attended the school from the 7th through the 9th grade.
Apart from music, Ritter also has interests in writing. Ritter has claimed many different writers as influences on both his songwriting and fiction work. Some of his favorite authors are Flannery O'Connor, Philip Roth, and Dennis Lehane (who wrote the intro for the Deluxe Edition of ''Hello Starling''). The title of Ritter's sixth album, ''So Runs the World Away'', comes from a line in the third act of Shakespeare's ''Hamlet''. Ritter's own novel, ''Bright's Passage'', was published by Dial Press on June 28, 2011. Ritter has said of the novel, "Besides my songs, ''Bright’s Passage'' is the first [written] work I’ve wanted anyone to see". Ritter has said that "It’s about a kind of sweet normal guy from West Virginia. He goes to the first World War and he comes back and he has an angel. And it’s about him and this angel escaping this wildfire for five days. It’s sort of this short little comedy".
Members:
In January 2010 Ritter opened at New York City's Radio City Music Hall for Glen Hansard and Marketa Irglova of The Swell Season.
Josh Ritter performed at the South by Southwest Music & Media Conference and Festival, March 18, 2011 at the Historic Sanctuary of St. David's Episcopal Church.
Category:American folk singers Category:American male singers Category:American singer-songwriters Category:American alternative country singers Category:People from Moscow, Idaho Category:Oberlin College alumni Category:Musicians from Idaho Category:V2 Records artists Category:Signature Sounds artists Category:1976 births Category:Living people
de:Josh Ritter ga:Josh Ritter it:Josh Ritter nl:Josh Ritter pl:Josh Ritter sv:Josh RitterThis text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Coordinates | 34°03′″N118°15′″N |
|---|---|
| name | DJ Fresh |
| background | non_vocal_instrumentalist |
| birth name | Daniel Stein |
| alias | DJ Fresh, Fresh, Mosquito, Absolute Zero |
| birth date | April 11, 1977 |
| origin | England |
| genre | Drum and bass |
| occupation | songwriter, musician, audio mixing, record producer, DJ |
| years active | 1996–present |
| label | Breakbeat Kaos, Data Records, Ram Records, V Records, Valve Recordings |
| associated acts | Bad Company UK, Pendulum, Tenor Fly, $pyda, Adam F, Andy C, Deekline & Wizard, Ivory, Soundweapon, Stamina MC, Koko, Ce'cile, Sigma, DJ Shadow, DJ Hype, Darrison, Mary Byker, Baron, Swift, Valkyrie, Sian Evans, Dj Shadow. }} |
Resuming his solo career in 2002, Fresh founded Breakbeat Punk, which merged with Adam F's Kaos Recordings to become Breakbeat Kaos in 2003. In 2004 ''Dogs on Acid'' was given its own imprint.
Fresh has worked with artists ranging from Pet Shop Boys, DJ Shadow, Apollo 440 to Andy C and Grooverider, and has also held a working relationship with the drum and bass trio Pendulum, until 2007 when Pendulum decided to leave his imprint.
Fresh has had his own tracks included on a number of remix CDs, including the 2006 release ''Jungle Sound: The Bassline Strikes Back!'', Andy C's ''Nightlife'' series, DJ Hype's ''Drum and Bass Warfare'', and Goldie's ''Drum and Bass Classics''.
In 2006, Fresh released his first studio album, ''Escape from Planet Monday'', featuring "The Immortal", "X Project", "Nervous" and "All that Jazz" on Breakbeat Kaos.
On the 1 August 2010, he re-released his song Gold Dust Featuring vocals from Ce'cile, Where it peaked 24 in the UK and 39 in Ireland, it marked his first Top 40 hit in both countries. Drum & Bass producer Finka remixed Gold Dust in early 2011. On 16 August, he released his second studio album, "Kryptonite" where it peaked 4 on the UK Dance Chart.
He then released his follow-up single, called "Lassitude" with Sigma and Vocals from Koko. It managed to peak 98 on the UK Singles Chart and 11 on the UK Dance Chart.
In 2011, Fresh will be appearing at a number of Festivals during the UK Festival Season aswell as appearing at shows and clubs in the U.S, Such as Bar 525 in San Francisco, Republic Live in Austin, Texas.
| rowspan="2" | Year | Song | Chart positions | Album | ||||||||||||||||
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| 2003 | 60 | — | —| | — | — | — | — | rowspan="1" | ''Non-album single'' | |||||||||||
| 73 | —| | — | — | — | — | — | rowspan="1" | ''Escape from Planet Monday'' | ||||||||||||
| 68 | —| | — | — | — | — | — | ''Non-album single'' | |||||||||||||
| — | —| | — | — | — | — | — | rowspan="1" | ''Escape from Planet Monday'' | ||||||||||||
| — | —| | — | — | — | — | — | rowspan="3" | ''Kryptonite'' | ||||||||||||
| align="left" | 24 | 6| | 2 | — | — | 39 | 32 | |||||||||||||
| align="left" | "Lassitude" (with Sigma and Koko) | 98 | 11| | 8 | — | — | — | — | ||||||||||||
| rowspan="1" | 2011 | align="left" | 1 | 1| | 1 | 96 | 22 | 4 | 1 | |||||||||||
| Singles/EPs |
| Morning Glory / Thunder and Rain |
| Innocence (with Fierce) / Rehab (Ed Rush & Optical) |
| Dead Man Walking / Formula One |
| Signal / Big Love |
| The Original Junglesound (with Adam F) |
| Dalicks / Temple of Doom* |
| Colossus / Hooded |
| Submarines |
| Twister / Capture the Flag |
| Cactus Funk '02 |
| All That Jazz (ft. Darrison) |
| Funk Academy |
| Supernature (Baron vs. Fresh) / Farenheit (Baron) |
| Supernature (Baron vs. Fresh) / The Shakedown (Baron) |
| Nervous (ft. Mary Byker from Apollo 440) / Matador |
| The Immortal |
| Exhale |
| Balloons (Thinking In Reverse) |
| Steam (Rock Out) |
| Clap / Exhale (Inhale remix) |
| All That Jazz (Mosquito Remix) / Windrush (Heist Remix) |
| Blow (with MC Ivory vs Deekline & Wizard) |
| Heavyweight / Fantasia |
| Hypercaine (ft. Stamina MC & Koko) |
| Off World / Direct Order (DJ Fresh / The Funktion)'' |
| Year | Song | Original Artist | Album |
| Here Comes Trouble | ''Here Comes Trouble - A Decade of Drum and Bass'' | ||
| Twist 'Em Out | ''Twist 'Em Out / Kids Stuff'' | ||
| Mo' Fire | Andy C | ''Nightlife'' | |
| Cuban Links | DJ Clipz | ''Cuban Links (Fresh Remix) / Tripods'' | |
| Thugged Out Bitch | Dillinja | ''Spectrum'' (with Lemon D) | |
| Enuff | DJ Shadow | ''Enuff / This Time'' | |
| I Want You | Paul Harris vs Eurythmics | ''I Want You'' (White label release) | |
| Cross My Heart (Raw and Club Mixes) | Skepta (ft. Preeya Kalidas) | ||
| Together | ''Together'' | ||
| Broken Record | Katy B | ''Broken Record'' | |
| Right Beside You | Jakwob (ft. Smiler) | ''Right Beside You'' |
| Year | Song | Album |
| Mutated (Version X) | ||
| Sandstorm (Sunrise) | ||
| U-Boat | ||
| Chain of Thought | ||
| Sausage Dog | ''3rd Planet'' (EP) | |
| Switch | ''21st Century Drum and Bass 3'' | |
| Warehouse Lick (with Trace) | ''Spy Technologies 2: Battlefield'' | |
| Living Daylights | ||
| Floodlight | ||
| Play Me (with Swift) (Swift & Blame Remix) | ||
| Living Daylights II | ''The Immortal'' | |
| Ease Down | ||
| Trick of the Light | ||
| 2008 | All That Jazz (VIP mix) | ''Bryan G & MC Skibadee Live @ Movement Bar, Rumba'' |
| X-Project (VIP mix) | ''Heist's Mystery FM'' | |
| Spaceface | ||
| Lazer Squad | ||
| Year | Song | Albums | Director |
| ''Nervous'' | ''Escape from Planet Monday'' | ||
| ''Hypercaine'' | rowspan="3" | ||
| ''Gold Dust'' | |||
| ''Lassitude'' | |||
| ''Louder'' | ''Non-album single'' | Ben Newman | |
Category:Living people Category:1977 births Category:English drum and bass musicians Category:English DJs
be-x-old:Fresh de:DJ Fresh it:DJ Fresh ru:DJ FreshThis text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Coordinates | 34°03′″N118°15′″N |
|---|---|
| name | Flux Pavilion |
| background | non_vocal_instrumentalist |
| birth name | Joshua Steele |
| alias | Bubbles |
| death date | |
| genre | Dubstep |
| occupation | Producer, DJ |
| years active | 2008-Present |
| label | Circus Records |
| associated acts | Doctor P |
| website | |
| notable instruments | }} |
Joshua Steele, known professionally as Flux Pavilion, is an English dubstep producer and DJ. He is the co-founder of Circus Records, along with Doctor P and DJ Swan-E. He is best known for his 2011 single "Bass Cannon", which peaked at number 56 on the UK Singles Chart, and was placed on the Radio 1 A-List. Along with Doctor P, Flux Pavilion presented the 2011 compilation album ''Circus One'', to which he contributed four tracks. In August 2011 his track "I Can't Stop" was sampled by producer Shama “Sak Pase” Joseph for hip-hop album, ''Watch the Throne'' by Jay-Z and Kanye West.
== Discography ==
Category:Living people Category:English record producers Category:English DJs Category:Dubstep musicians
hu:Flux Pavilion
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Coordinates | 34°03′″N118°15′″N |
|---|---|
| name | Zbigniew Brzezinski |
| order | 10th United States National Security Advisor |
| term start | January 20, 1977 |
| term end | January 20, 1981 |
| president | Jimmy Carter |
| deputy | David L. Aaron |
| predecessor | Brent Scowcroft |
| successor | Richard V. Allen |
| birth date | March 28, 1928 |
| birth place | Warsaw, Poland |
| party | Democratic |
| alma mater | McGill UniversityHarvard University |
| profession | politician, critic }} |
Major foreign policy events during his term of office included the normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China (and the severing of ties with the Republic of China); the signing of the second Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT II); the brokering of the Camp David Accords; the transition of Iran from an important U.S. client state to an anti-Western Islamic Republic, encouraging dissidents in Eastern Europe and emphasizing certain human rights in order to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union; the financing of the mujahideen in Afghanistan in response to the Soviet deployment of forces there (allegedly either to help deter a Russian invasion, or to deliberately increase the chance of such an intervention occurring – or for both contradictory reasons simultaneously being embraced by separate U.S. officials) and the arming of these rebels to counter the Soviet invasion; and the signing of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties relinquishing overt U.S. control of the Panama Canal after 1999.
Brzezinski is currently Robert E. Osgood Professor of American Foreign Policy at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies, a scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and a member of various boards and councils. He appears frequently as an expert on the PBS program ''The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer'', ABC News' ''This Week with Christiane Amanpour'', and on MSNBC's ''Morning Joe'', where his daughter, Mika Brzezinski, is co-anchor.
Zbigniew Brzezinski was born in Warsaw, Poland, in 1928. His family, members of the nobility (or "szlachta" in Polish), bore the Trąby coat of arms and hailed from Brzeżany in Galicia. This town is thought to be the source of the family name. Brzezinski's father was Tadeusz Brzeziński, a Polish diplomat who was posted to Germany from 1931 to 1935; Zbigniew Brzezinski thus spent some of his earliest years witnessing the rise of the Nazis. From 1936 to 1938, Tadeusz Brzeziński was posted to the Soviet Union during Joseph Stalin's Great Purge.
In 1938, Tadeusz Brzeziński was posted to Canada. In 1939, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was agreed to by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union; subsequently the two powers invaded Poland. The 1945 Yalta Conference between the Allies allotted Poland to the Soviet sphere of influence, meaning Brzezinski's family could not safely return to their country.
As a Harvard professor, he argued against Dwight Eisenhower's and John Foster Dulles's policy of rollback, saying that antagonism would push Eastern Europe further toward the Soviets. The Polish strike and Hungarian Revolution in 1956 lent some support to Brzezinski's idea that the Eastern Europeans could gradually counter Soviet domination. In 1957, he visited Poland for the first time since he left as a child, and his visit reaffirmed his judgment that splits within the Eastern bloc were profound.
In 1958 he became a United States citizen, although he probably also continues to be considered a Polish citizen under Polish law. Despite his years of residence in Canada and the presence of family members there, he never became a Canadian citizen.
When in 1959 Brzezinski was not granted tenure at Harvard, he moved to New York City to teach at Columbia University. Here he wrote ''Soviet Bloc: Unity and Conflict'', which focused on Eastern Europe since the beginning of the Cold War. He also became a member of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and attended meetings of the Bilderberg Group.
During the 1960 U.S. presidential elections, Brzezinski was an advisor to the John F. Kennedy campaign, urging a non-antagonistic policy toward Eastern European governments. Seeing the Soviet Union as having entered a period of stagnation, both economic and political, Brzezinski presciently predicted the breakup of the Soviet Union along lines of nationality (expanding on his master's thesis).
Brzezinski continued to argue for and support détente for the next few years, publishing "Peaceful Engagement in Eastern Europe" in ''Foreign Affairs'', and supporting non-antagonistic policies after the Cuban Missile Crisis, on the grounds that such policies might disabuse Eastern European nations of their fear of an aggressive Germany and pacify Western Europeans fearful of a superpower condominium along the lines of the Yalta Conference.
In 1964, Brzezinski supported Lyndon Johnson's presidential campaign and the Great Society and civil rights policies, while on the other hand he saw Soviet leadership as having been purged of any creativity following the ousting of Khrushchev. Through Jan Nowak-Jezioranski, Brzezinski met with Adam Michnik, then a communist party member and future Polish Solidarity activist.
Brzezinski continued to support engagement with Eastern European governments, while warning against De Gaulle's vision of a "Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals." He also supported the Vietnam War. From 1966 to 1968, Brzezinski served as a member of the Policy Planning Council of the U.S. Department of State (President Johnson's October 7, 1966, "Bridge Building" speech was a product of Brzezinski's influence).
Events in Czechoslovakia further reinforced Brzezinski's criticisms of the right's aggressive stance toward Eastern European governments. His service to the Johnson administration, and his fact-finding trip to Vietnam, made him an enemy of the New Left, despite his advocacy of de-escalation of the United States' involvement in the war.
For the 1968 U.S. presidential campaign, Brzezinski was chairman of the Hubert Humphrey Foreign Policy Task Force. He advised Humphrey to break with several of President Johnson's policies, especially concerning Vietnam, the Middle East, and condominium with the Soviet Union.
Brzezinski called for a pan-European conference, an idea that would eventually find fruition in 1973 as the Conference for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Meanwhile he became a leading critic of both the Nixon-Kissinger détente condominium, as well as McGovern's pacifism.
In his 1970 piece ''Between Two Ages: America's Role in the Technetronic Era'', Brzezinski argued that a coordinated policy among developed nations was necessary in order to counter global instability erupting from increasing economic inequality. Out of this thesis, Brzezinski co-founded the Trilateral Commission with David Rockefeller, serving as director from 1973 to 1976. The Trilateral Commission is a group of prominent political and business leaders and academics primarily from the United States, Western Europe and Japan. Its purpose was to strengthen relations among the three most industrially advanced regions of the capitalist world. Brzezinski selected Georgia governor Jimmy Carter as a member.
After his victory in 1976, Carter made Brzezinski National Security Advisor. Earlier that year, major labor riots broke out in Poland, laying the foundations for Solidarity. Brzezinski began by emphasizing the "Basket III" human rights in the Helsinki Final Act, which inspired Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia shortly thereafter.
Brzezinski had a hand in writing parts of Carter's inaugural address, and this served his purpose of sending a positive message to Soviet dissidents. The Soviet Union and Western European leaders both complained that this kind of rhetoric ran against the "code of détente" that Nixon and Kissinger had established. Brzezinski ran up against members of his own Democratic Party who disagreed with this interpretation of détente, including Secretary of State Cyrus Vance. Vance argued for less emphasis on human rights in order to gain Soviet agreement to Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), whereas Brzezinski favored doing both at the same time. Brzezinski then ordered Radio Free Europe transmitters to increase the power and area of their broadcasts, a provocative reversal of Nixon-Kissinger policies. West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt objected to Brzezinski's agenda, even calling for the removal of Radio Free Europe from German soil.
The State Department was alarmed by Brzezinski's support for East German dissidents and objected to his suggestion that Carter's first overseas visit be to Poland. He visited Warsaw, met with Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski (against the objection of the U.S. Ambassador to Poland), recognizing the Roman Catholic Church as the legitimate opposition to Communist rule in Poland.
By 1978, Brzezinski and Vance were more and more at odds over the direction of Carter's foreign policy. Vance sought to continue the style of détente engineered by Nixon-Kissinger, with a focus on arms control. Brzezinski believed that détente emboldened the Soviets in Angola and the Middle East, and so he argued for increased military strength and an emphasis on human rights. Vance, the State Department, and the media criticized Brzezinski publicly as seeking to revive the Cold War.
Brzezinski advised Carter in 1978 to engage the People's Republic of China and traveled to Beijing to lay the groundwork for the normalization of relations between the two countries. This also resulted in the severing of ties with the United States' longtime anti-Communist ally the Republic of China. Also in 1978, Polish Cardinal Karol Wojtyła was elected Pope John Paul II—an event which the Soviets believed Brzezinski orchestrated. President Carter told reporters that the new Pope was a friend of Dr. Brzezinski.
1979 saw two major strategically important events: the overthrow of U.S. ally the Shah of Iran, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The Iranian Revolution precipitated the Iran hostage crisis, which would last for the rest of Carter's presidency. Brzezinski anticipated the Soviet invasion, and, with the support of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the People's Republic of China, he created a strategy to undermine the Soviet presence. See below under "Major Policies – Afghanistan."
Using this atmosphere of insecurity, Brzezinski led the United States toward a new arms buildup and the development of the Rapid Deployment Forces – policies that are both more generally associated with Ronald Reagan now. In 1980, Brzezinski planned Operation Eagle Claw, which was meant to free the hostages in Iran using the newly created Delta Force and other Special Forces units. The mission was a failure and led to Secretary Vance's resignation.
Brzezinski was criticized widely in the press and became the least popular member of Carter's administration. Edward Kennedy challenged President Carter for the 1980 Democratic nomination, and at the convention, Kennedy's delegates loudly booed Brzezinski. Hurt by internal divisions within his party and a stagnant domestic economy, Carter lost the 1980 presidential election in a landslide.
Brzezinski, acting under a lame duck Carter presidency, but encouraged that Solidarity in Poland had vindicated his style of engagement with Eastern Europe, took a hard-line stance against what seemed like an imminent Soviet invasion of Poland. He even made a midnight phone call to Pope John Paul II – whose visit to Poland in 1979 had foreshadowed the emergence of Solidarity – warning him in advance. The U.S. stance was a significant change from previous reactions to Soviet repression in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968.
In 1981 President Carter presented Brzezinski with the Presidential Medal of Freedom.
He had mixed relations with the Reagan administration. On the one hand, he supported it as an alternative to the Democrats' pacifism, but he also criticized it as seeing foreign policy in overly black-and-white terms.
He remained involved in Polish affairs, critical of the imposition of martial law in Poland in 1981, and more so of Western European acquiescence to its imposition in the name of stability. Brzezinski briefed U.S. vice-president George H. W. Bush before his 1987 trip to Poland that aided in the revival of the Solidarity movement.
In 1985, under the Reagan administration, Brzezinski served as a member of the President's Chemical Warfare Commission. From 1987 to 1988, he worked on the U.S. National Security Council–Defense Department Commission on Integrated Long-Term Strategy. From 1987 to 1989 he also served on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.
In 1988, Brzezinski was co-chairman of the Bush National Security Advisory Task Force and endorsed Bush for president, breaking with the Democratic party. Brzezinski published ''The Grand Failure'' the same year, predicting the failure of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms and the collapse of the Soviet Union in a few more decades. He said there were five possibilities for the Soviet Union: successful pluralization, protracted crisis, renewed stagnation, coup (by the KGB or Soviet military), or the explicit collapse of the Communist regime. He called collapse "at this stage a much more remote possibility" than protracted crisis. He also predicted that the chance of some form of communism existing in the Soviet Union in 2017 was a little more than 50% and that when the end did come it would be "most likely turbulent". In the event, the Soviet system collapsed totally in 1991 following Moscow's crackdown on Lithuania's attempt to declare independence, the Nagorno-Karabakh War of the late 1980s, and scattered bloodshed in other republics. This was a less violent outcome than Brzezinski and other observers anticipated.
In 1989 the Communists failed to mobilize support in Poland, and Solidarity swept the general elections. Later the same year, Brzezinski toured Russia and visited a memorial to the Katyn Massacre. This served as an opportunity for him to ask the Soviet government to acknowledge the truth about the event, for which he received a standing ovation in the Soviet Academy of Sciences. Ten days later, the Berlin Wall fell, and Soviet-supported governments in Eastern Europe began to totter.
Strobe Talbott, one of Brzezinski's long-time critics, conducted an interview with him for ''TIME'' magazine entitled ''Vindication of a Hardliner''.
In 1990 Brzezinski warned against post–Cold War euphoria. He publicly opposed the Gulf War, arguing that the United States would squander the international goodwill it had accumulated by defeating the Soviet Union and that it could trigger wide resentment throughout the Arab world. He expanded upon these views in his 1992 work ''Out of Control''.
However, in 1993 Brzezinski was prominently critical of the Clinton administration's hesitation to intervene against Serbia in the Yugoslavian civil war. He also began to speak out against Russia's First Chechen War, forming the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya. Wary of a move toward the reinvigoration of Russian power, Brzezinski negatively viewed the succession of former KGB agent Vladimir Putin after Boris Yeltsin. In this vein, he became one of the foremost advocates of NATO expansion.
Brzezinski was a leading critic of the George W. Bush administration's "war on terror". Some painted him as a neoconservative because of his friendship with Paul Wolfowitz and his 1997 book ''The Grand Chessboard''. However, in 2004, Brzezinski wrote ''The Choice'', which expanded upon ''The Grand Chessboard'' but sharply criticized George W. Bush's foreign policy. He defended the book ''The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy'' and was an outspoken critic of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
In August 2007, Brzezinski endorsed Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama. He stated that Obama "recognizes that the challenge is a new face, a new sense of direction, a new definition of America's role in the world." – also saying, "What makes Obama attractive to me is that he understands that we live in a very different world where we have to relate to a variety of cultures and people." In September 2007 during a speech on the Iraq war, Obama introduced Brzezinski as "one of our most outstanding thinkers," but some pro-Israel commentators questioned his criticism of the Israel lobby in the United States. In a September 2009 interview with ''The Daily Beast'', Brzezinski replied to a question about how aggressive President Obama should be in insisting Israel not conduct an air strike on Iran, saying: "We are not exactly impotent little babies. They have to fly over our airspace in Iraq. Are we just going to sit there and watch?" This was interpreted by some supporters of Israel as supporting the downing of Israeli jets by the United States in order to prevent an attack on Iran.
Brzezinski's task was complicated by his (hawkish) focus on East-West relations in an administration where many cared a great deal about North-South relations and human rights.
Initially, Carter reduced the NSC staff by one-half and decreased the number of standing NSC committees from eight to two. All issues referred to the NSC were reviewed by one of the two new committees, either the Policy Review Committee (PRC) or the Special Coordinating Committee (SCC). The PRC focused on specific issues, and its chairmanship rotated. The SCC was always chaired by Brzezinski, a circumstance he had to negotiate with Carter to achieve. Carter believed that by making the NSA chairman of only one of the two committees, he would prevent the NSC from being the overwhelming influence on foreign policy decisions it had been under Kissinger's chairmanship during the Nixon administration. The SCC was charged with considering issues that cut across several departments, including oversight of intelligence activities, arms control evaluation, and crisis management. Much of the SCC's time during the Carter years was spent on SALT issues.
The Council held few formal meetings, convening only 10 times, compared with 125 meetings during the 8 years of the Nixon and Ford administrations. Instead, Carter used frequent, informal meetings as a decision-making device, typically his Friday breakfasts, usually attended by the Vice President, the secretaries of State and Defense, Brzezinski, and the chief domestic adviser. No agendas were prepared and no formal records were kept of these meetings, sometimes resulting in differing interpretations of the decisions actually agreed upon. Brzezinski was careful, in managing his own weekly luncheons with secretaries Vance and Brown in preparation for NSC discussions, to maintain a complete set of notes. Brzezinski also sent weekly reports to the President on major foreign policy undertakings and problems, with recommendations for courses of action. President Carter enjoyed these reports and frequently annotated them with his own views. Brzezinski and the NSC used these Presidential notes (159 of them) as the basis for NSC actions.
From the beginning, Brzezinski made sure that the new NSC institutional relationships would assure him a major voice in the shaping of foreign policy. While he knew that Carter would not want him to be another Kissinger, Brzezinski also felt confident that the President did not want Secretary of State Vance to become another Dulles and would want his own input on key foreign policy decisions.
Brzezinski's power gradually expanded into the operational area during the Carter Presidency. He increasingly assumed the role of a Presidential emissary. In 1978, for example, Brzezinski traveled to Beijing to lay the groundwork for normalizing U.S.–PRC relations. Like Kissinger before him, Brzezinski maintained his own personal relationship with Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin. Brzezinski had NSC staffers monitor State Department cable traffic through the Situation Room and call back to the State Department if the President preferred to revise or take issue with outgoing State Department instructions. He also appointed his own press spokesman, and his frequent press briefings and appearances on television interview shows made him a prominent public figure, although perhaps not nearly as much as Kissinger had been under Nixon.
The Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 significantly damaged the already tenuous relationship between Vance and Brzezinski. Vance felt that Brzezinski's linkage of SALT to other Soviet activities and the MX, together with the growing domestic criticisms in the United States of the SALT II Accord, convinced Brezhnev to decide on military intervention in Afghanistan. Brzezinski, however, later recounted that he advanced proposals to maintain Afghanistan's independence but was frustrated by the Department of State's opposition. An NSC working group on Afghanistan wrote several reports on the deteriorating situation in 1979, but President Carter ignored them until the Soviet intervention destroyed his illusions. Only then did he decide to abandon SALT II ratification and pursue the anti-Soviet policies that Brzezinski proposed.
The Iranian revolution was the last straw for the disintegrating relationship between Vance and Brzezinski. As the upheaval developed, the two advanced fundamentally different positions. Brzezinski wanted to control the revolution and increasingly suggested military action to prevent Ayatollah Khomeini from coming to power, while Vance wanted to come to terms with the new Islamic Republic of Iran. As a consequence, Carter failed to develop a coherent approach to the Iranian situation. In the growing crisis atmosphere of 1979 and 1980 due to the Iranian hostage situation, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and a deepening economic crisis, Brzezinski's anti-Soviet views gained influence but could not end the Carter administration's malaise. Vance's resignation following the unsuccessful mission to rescue the American hostages in March 1980, undertaken over his objections, was the final result of the deep disagreement between Brzezinski and Vance.
During the 1970s and 1980s, at the height of his political involvement, Brzezinski participated in the formation of the Trilateral Commission in order to more closely cement U.S.–Japanese–European relations. As the three most economically advanced sectors of the world, the people of the three regions could be brought together in cooperation that would give them a more cohesive stance against the communist world.
While serving in the White House, Brzezinski emphasized the centrality of human rights as a means of placing the Soviet Union on the ideological defensive. With Jimmy Carter in Camp David, he assisted in the attainment of the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty. He actively supported Polish Solidarity and the Afghan resistance to Soviet invasion, and provided covert support for national independence movements in the Soviet Union. He played a leading role in normalizing U.S.–PRC relations and in the development of joint strategic cooperation, cultivating a relationship with Deng Xiaoping, for which he is thought very highly of in mainland China to this day.
In the 1990s he formulated the strategic case for buttressing the independent statehood of Ukraine, partially as a means to ending a resurgence of the Russian Empire, and to drive Russia toward integration with the West, promoting instead "geopolitical pluralism" in the space of the former Soviet Union. He developed "a plan for Europe" urging the expansion of NATO, making the case for the expansion of NATO to the Baltic states. He also served as William Clinton's emissary to Azerbaijan in order to promote the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline. Subsequently, he became a member of Honorary Council of Advisors of U.S.-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce (USACC). Further, he led, together with Lane Kirkland, the effort to increase the endowment for the U.S.-sponsored Polish-American Freedom Foundation from the proposed $112 million to an eventual total of well over $200 million.
He has consistently urged a U.S. leadership role in the world, based on established alliances, and warned against unilateralist policies that would destroy U.S. global credibility and precipitate U.S. global isolation.
Years later, in a 1997 CNN/National Security Archive interview, Brzezinski detailed the strategy taken by the Carter administration against the Soviets in 1979:
We immediately launched a twofold process when we heard that the Soviets had entered Afghanistan. The first involved direct reactions and sanctions focused on the Soviet Union, and both the State Department and the National Security Council prepared long lists of sanctions to be adopted, of steps to be taken to increase the international costs to the Soviet Union of their actions. And the second course of action led to my going to Pakistan a month or so after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, for the purpose of coordinating with the Pakistanis a joint response, the purpose of which would be to make the Soviets bleed for as much and as long as is possible; and we engaged in that effort in a collaborative sense with the Saudis, the Egyptians, the British, the Chinese, and we started providing weapons to the Mujaheddin, from various sources again—for example, some Soviet arms from the Egyptians and the Chinese. We even got Soviet arms from the Czechoslovak communist government, since it was obviously susceptible to material incentives; and at some point we started buying arms for the Mujaheddin from the Soviet army in Afghanistan, because that army was increasingly corrupt.
Milt Bearden wrote in ''The Main Enemy'' that Brzezinski, in 1980, secured an agreement from King Khalid of Saudi Arabia to match U.S. contributions to the Afghan effort dollar for dollar and that Bill Casey would keep that agreement going through the Reagan administration.
According to the "Progressive South Asia Exchange Net," claiming to cite an article in , U.S. policy, unbeknownst even to the Mujahideen, was part of a larger strategy of aiming "to induce a Soviet military intervention." The article includes a brief interview with National Security Advisor Brzezinski, in which he is quoted as saying that the United States provided aid to the mujahideen prior to the Soviet invasion for the deliberate purpose of provoking one. Brzezinski himself has denied the accuracy of the interview. According to Brzezinski, an NSC working group on Afghanistan wrote several reports on the deteriorating situation in 1979, but President Carter ignored them until the Soviet intervention destroyed his illusions. Brzezinski has stated that the United States provided communications equipment and limited financial aid to the mujahideen prior to the "formal" invasion, but only in response to the Soviet deployment of forces to Afghanistan and the 1978 coup, and with the intention of preventing further Soviet encroachment in the region.
According to Eric Alterman of ''The Nation'', Cyrus Vance's close aide Marshall Shulman "insists that the State Department worked hard to dissuade the Soviets from invading and would never have undertaken a program to encourage it" and President Carter has said it was definitely "not my intention" to inspire a Soviet invasion but to deter one.
Bob Gates, in his book ''Out Of The Shadows'', wrote that Pakistan had actually been pressuring the United States for arms to aid the rebels for years, but that the Carter administration refused in the hope of finding a diplomatic solution to avoid war. Brzezinski seemed to have been in favor of the provision of arms to the rebels, while Vance's State Department, seeking a peaceful settlement, publicly accused Brzezinski of seeking to "revive" the Cold War.
In an interview with The Christian Science Monitor, in March 1981, Jimmy Carter's Vice-President Walter Mondale declared: "I cannot understand – it just baffles me – why the Soviets these last few years have behaved as they have. Maybe we have made some mistakes with them. Why did they have to build up all these arms? Why did they have to go into Afghanistan? Why can't they relax just a little bit about Eastern Europe? Why do they try every door to see if it is locked?"
The Soviet invasion and occupation killed up to 2 million Afghans. Brzezinski defended the arming of the rebels in response, saying that it "was quite important in hastening the end of the conflict," thereby saving the lives of thousands of Afghans, but "not in deciding the conflict, because actually the fact is that even though we helped the mujaheddin, they would have continued fighting without our help, because they were also getting a lot of money from the Persian Gulf and the Arab states, and they weren't going to quit. They didn't decide to fight because we urged them to. They're fighters, and they prefer to be independent. They just happen to have a curious complex: they don't like foreigners with guns in their country. And they were going to fight the Soviets. Giving them weapons was a very important forward step in defeating the Soviets, and that's all to the good as far as I'm concerned." When he was asked if he thought it was the right decision in retrospect (given the Taliban's subsequent rise to power), he said: "Which decision? For the Soviets to go in? The decision was the Soviets', and they went in. The Afghans would have resisted anyway, and they were resisting. I just told you: in my view, the Afghans would have prevailed in the end anyway, 'cause they had access to money, they had access to weapons, and they had the will to fight." The interviewer then asked: "So US support for the mujaheddin only begins after the Russians invade, not before?" Brzezinski replied: "With arms? Absolutely afterwards. No question about it. Show me some documents to the contrary." Likewise; Charlie Wilson said: "The U.S. had nothing whatsoever to do with these people's decision to fight ... but we'll be damned by history if we let them fight with stones."
One of the CIA's longest and most expensive covert operations was the supplying of billions of dollars in arms to the Afghan mujahideen militants. The CIA provided assistance to the fundamentalist insurgents through the Pakistani secret services, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), in a program called Operation Cyclone. Somewhere between $3–$20 billion in U.S. funds were funneled into the country to train and equip troops with weapons. Together with similar programs by Saudi Arabia, Britain's MI6 and SAS, Egypt, Iran, and the People's Republic of China, the arms included Stinger missiles, shoulder-fired, antiaircraft weapons that they used against Soviet helicopters and that later were in circulation among terrorists who have fired such weapons at commercial airliners. Osama bin Laden was allegedly among the recipients of U.S. arms, although the US denies this and claims it did not support the "Afghan Arabs". Pakistan's secret service, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), was used as an intermediary for most of these activities to disguise the sources of support for the resistance.
With U.S. and other funding, the ISI armed and trained over 100,000 insurgents. On July 20, 1987, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country was announced pursuant to the negotiations that led to the Geneva Accords of 1988, with the last Soviets leaving on February 15, 1989.
A 2002 study found that, in the wake of the Iranian Revolution, the United States had sought rapprochement with the Afghan government – a prospect that the Soviet Union found unacceptable (especially as its own leverage over the regime was wearing thin). Thus, the Soviets intervened to preserve their influence in the country.
The early foundations of al-Qaida were built in part on relationships and weaponry that came from the billions of dollars in U.S. support for the Afghan mujahadin during the war to expel Soviet forces from that country. The initial bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993, the attacks on the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, the attack on the USS Cole, and the attacks of September 11 were all allegedly linked to individuals and groups that at one time were armed and trained by the United States and/or its allies, although this view has been disputed.
The most important strategic aspect of the new U.S.–Chinese relationship was in its effect on the Cold War. China was no longer considered part of a larger Sino-Soviet bloc but instead a third pole of power due to the Sino-Soviet Split, helping the United States against the Soviet Union.
In the Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations dated January 1, 1979, the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The United States reiterated the Shanghai Communique's acknowledgment of the PRC position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the United States would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with Taiwan. The Taiwan Relations Act made the necessary changes in U.S. domestic law to permit unofficial relations with Taiwan to continue.
In addition the severing relations with the Republic of China, the Carter administration also agreed to unilaterally pull out of the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty, withdraw U.S. military personnel from Taiwan, and gradually reduce arms sales to the Republic of China. There was widespread opposition in the U.S. Congress, notably from Republicans, due to the Republic of China's status as an anti-Communist ally in the Cold War. In ''Goldwater v. Carter'', Barry Goldwater made a failed attempt to stop Carter from terminating the mutual defense treaty.
PRC Vice-premier Deng Xiaoping's January 1979 visit to Washington, D.C., initiated a series of high-level exchanges, which continued until the Tiananmen Square massacre, when they were briefly interrupted. This resulted in many bilateral agreements, especially in the fields of scientific, technological, and cultural interchange and trade relations. Since early 1979, the United States and the PRC have initiated hundreds of joint research projects and cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology, the largest bilateral program.
On March 1, 1979, the United States and People's Republic of China formally established embassies in Beijing and Washington. During 1979, outstanding private claims were resolved, and a bilateral trade agreement was concluded. U.S. vice-president Walter Mondale reciprocated vice-premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to China. This visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs, civil aviation links, and textile matters, as well as a bilateral consular convention.
Brzezinski is alleged to have encouraged China to support the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, as a counter to growing Vietnamese influence in Indochina, though he strongly denies this.
As a consequence of high-level and working-level contacts initiated in 1980, U.S. dialogue with China broadened to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional strategic problems, political-military questions—including arms control, UN and other multilateral organization affairs, and international narcotics matters.
Brzezinski himself however denied that his administration helped China fund Pol Pot in a letter he sent to the New York Times in 1998. Other sources have also disputed the charge.
As a scholar he has developed his thoughts over the years, fashioning fundamental theories on international relations and geostrategy. During the 1950s he worked on the theory of totalitarianism. His thought in the 1960s focused on wider Western understanding of disunity in the Soviet Bloc, as well as developing the thesis of intensified degeneration of the Soviet Union. During the 1970s he propounded the proposition that the Soviet system was incapable of evolving beyond the industrial phase into the "technetronic" age.
By the 1980s, Brzezinski argued that the general crisis of the Soviet Union foreshadowed communism's end.
Benchmarks are targets that have to be fulfilled. They cannot be fulfilled in an indefinite period of time, so there are timetables in benchmarks.
"Is Taliban a terrorism organization, or is it an ugly, medieval-type throwback of a purely local character?...Now, the Taliban does terrible things. I was talking to someone about this last night at dinner. And this person said 'yeah, but what about the horrible things they do to women,' and so forth. That's the painful part—but the same things happen in some other parts of the world. Are we going to go everywhere and tell them how to structure their social questions?" -On MSNBC's ''Morning Joe''
He also appears as himself in the 1997 documentary ''Eternal Memory: Voices from the Great Terror'', a film on the Stalinist purges directed by David Pultz and narrated by American actress Meryl Streep.
Category:1928 births Category:Living people Category:American people of Polish descent Category:People from Warsaw Category:American anti-communists Category:Carter administration personnel Category:American anti–Iraq War activists Category:American political scientists Category:Columbia University faculty Category:Geopoliticians Category:Guggenheim Fellows Category:Harvard Centennial Medal recipients Category:Harvard University alumni Category:Johns Hopkins University faculty Category:McGill University alumni Category:Naturalized citizens of the United States Category:People of the Soviet war in Afghanistan Category:Polish anti-communists Category:Polish emigrants to the United States Category:Political realists Category:Presidential Medal of Freedom recipients Category:United States National Security Advisors Category:Recipients of the Order of the White Eagle (Poland) Category:Recipients of the Order of the Three Stars, 2nd Class Category:Recipients of the Order of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk
ar:زبغنيو بريجينسكي az:Zbiqnev Bjezinski bg:Збигнев Бжежински ca:Zbigniew Brzezinski cs:Zbigniew Brzezinski de:Zbigniew Brzeziński et:Zbigniew Brzezinski es:Zbigniew Brzezinski eo:Zbigniew Brzeziński fa:زیبیگنیو برژینسکی fr:Zbigniew Brzeziński ko:즈비그뉴 브레진스키 id:Zbigniew Brzezinski it:Zbigniew Brzezinski he:זביגנייב בז'ז'ינסקי ka:ზბიგნევ ბჟეზინსკი kk:Збигнев Бжезинский lv:Zbigņevs Bžezinskis lt:Zbignevas Bžezinskis hu:Zbigniew Brzezinski nl:Zbigniew Brzeziński ja:ズビグネフ・ブレジンスキー no:Zbigniew Brzeziński pl:Zbigniew Brzeziński (politolog) pt:Zbigniew Brzezinski ro:Zbigniew Brzeziński ru:Бжезинский, Збигнев Казимеж sr:Збигњев Бжежински sh:Zbigniew Brzezinski fi:Zbigniew Brzezinski sv:Zbigniew Brzezinski tr:Zbigniew Brzezinski uk:Збігнєв Казімеж Бжезинський zh:兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
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